
Forging Paths
A Story of Chinese Immigration
While Chinese Canadians are now one of the largest ethnic groups in the country, their journey has been filled with significant societal, economic, and racial struggles.
The history of Chinese immigration is intertwined with broader themes of exclusion and exploitation, reflecting the difficult dynamics of Canada’s past. This story also acknowledges how immigration has contributed to the dispossession of First Nations peoples from their ancestral lands, a painful legacy that continues to affect Canada’s relationship with Indigenous communities today.
We invite you to travel through these histories, learning about the settlement of Chinese immigrants and their enduring impact on Canada’s cultural fabric. Through understanding and reflection, we hope to foster a conversation about these complex historical interactions and their lasting effects.

Chinese immigration to Canada is first recorded with the arrival of Captain John Meares in 1788 at Nootka Sound in British Columbia, tasked with building a trading post for sea otter pelts between Guagzhou, China, and BC. He brought with him fifty Chinese artisans, but after the arrival of the Spanish Empire, Meares was driven from the West Coast along with his crew.
It would take a little over half a century before Chinese immigration to British Columbia became widespread. The discovery of gold in the lower Fraser Valley in 1857 sparked a massive wave of trans-Pacific migration, with tens of thousands flocking to the newly discovered gold fields in search of fortune. By June 1858, a significant group of Chinese prospectors arrived in Victoria from San Francisco by boat, eager to join other hopefuls in their quest for gold.

However, beneath the frenzy of the gold rush lay a complex tapestry of motivations. Each seeker was driven by a unique combination of push and pull factors. Some fled their homelands to escape political unrest, violence, discrimination, or limited opportunities, while others were lured by the promise of untold riches, better living conditions, and the freedom to reinvent themselves in a new land. As the gold rush gained momentum, more Chinese immigrants arrived from California and directly from China, drawn not only by the prospect of gold but also by entrepreneurial opportunities catering to other miners.

Even as the gold rush’s prosperity began to fade and British Columbia faced economic challenges, Chinese migration continued. Many were drawn to what they called "Gum San," or Gold Mountain—a name that encompassed California, British Columbia, and the Australian colonies. Although the gold rushes that captured global attention eventually ended, the term "Gold Mountain" endured, symbolising the Chinese community's enduring hope for prosperity and the chance to build a better future.
By 1860, the Chinese population of Vancouver Island and British Columbia was estimated to be 7,000.
In the 19th Century, China's rural population faced immense hardship due to war, rebellion, and political instability, prompting many to seek better opportunities abroad.
The First Opium War (1839-1842) and the T'ai P'ing Rebellion (1850-1864), led by the Hakka people, caused widespread poverty and unrest, leading to a significant exodus of Chinese migrants. The majority of these migrants hailed from four districts in the Pearl River delta of Guangdong province - Tai Shan, Xin Hui, Kai Ping, and En Ping - located between Guangzhou and Hong Kong.
This region had a long-standing tradition of overseas migration. People would seek their fortunes abroad, send remittances back to support their families in China, and return home if possible. A cycle of hope and resilience.

From 1867 to 1914, the Canadian West became home to millions of immigrant settlers seeking a new life.

In 1871, British Columbia joined Canada as its sixth province, largely due to the federal government's commitment to construct a transcontinental railway connecting the Pacific coast to the rest of the country.
One of the most daunting challenges in building the Canadian Pacific Railway was navigating the treacherous terrain of the Rocky Mountains, which required innovative engineering solutions and perseverance.

The challenge of finding sufficient labour in British Columbia led to the contentious recruitment of thousands of Chinese workers.
Approximately 15,000 Chinese laborers played a crucial role in constructing the Canadian Pacific Railway, toiling in dangerous conditions for meager wages. Dynamite blasts, landslides, cave-ins, exhaustion and drowning claimed the lives of hundreds of workers. Scurvy from inadequate nutrition and other diseases and sickness claimed still more.
Estimates suggest that between 600 and 2,200 Chinese workers lost their lives during the construction period, although the exact number remains unknown due to poor record keeping.

Politicians expressed concerns about the potential economic and cultural implications of this influx of Asian workers, fueling debates about immigration and labour policies.
The use of Chinese workers has been estimated to have reduced the cost of the railway construction by between $3 and $5 million dollars, a significant sum in the 1880s, equivalent to $16 billion dollars in 2024. Anxiety was growing that if Chinese immigration continued unregulated, they would take away jobs from the white workers.

In 1885, shortly after completion of the Pacific Railway, the government introduced the Chinese Immigration Act. A $50.00 fee was implemented to deter Chinese immigrants from entering Canada.
This was the first step in the Canadian government's attempt to curb immigration from China. Over the next 40 years, policy towards Chinese immigrants would become progressively more punitive.

The insatiable demand for coal spurred the establishment of settlements on Vancouver Island in the mid-19th century.
Thriving mining communities emerged, including Nanaimo, Ladysmith, and Cumberland, which became hubs of industrial activity that shaped the region's development.

Like all west coast economic activity for the period, coal mining suffered from a general lack of available labour.
Chinese workers were employed in the mines of Nanaimo as early as 1871. Robert Dunsmuir, dubbed the “Coal Baron of Vancouver Island”, had employed them in his Wellington mines near Nanaimo since 1884.
‘Tell the men that I am a stubborn Scotchman, and that a multitude cannot coerce or drive me!’
Robert Dunsmuir as quoted in Reksten, Terry. The Dunsmuir Saga. Douglas & McIntyre, 1991, pg 101.

Initially employed as strikebreakers to undermine miner strikes, they were retained as employees.
At first, Chinese workers received equal pay to their white counterparts, but this parity was short-lived.
If we are to pay the Chinaman the same rate of wage as the white men, there will be no use employing them."
James Nicol as quoted in Bowen, Lynne. Three Dollar Dreams. First Edition. Lantzvillle, British Columbia: Oolichan Books, 1987, pg. 125.
James Nicol, the general manager of the Vancouver Island Coal Mining and Land Company in Nanaimo, justified slashing their wages in half by arguing that paying them the same rate as white workers would defeat the purpose of hiring them.
Their position as strikebreakers who would work for less marked the beginning of long-standing opposition to Chinese workers by most white miners, who consistently demanded their exclusion from the mines in subsequent job actions.
Chinese industrial labourers often worked under contractual arrangements, sometimes in organized work gangs, where their labour was managed and coordinated by Chinese contractors or intermediaries. A "credit-ticket" system emerged, where Chinese lenders in North America or China would finance a migrant's travel expenses in exchange for a debt obligation (like a more formal I.O.U.). Although these contracts were not legally binding in Canada, the migrant was effectively bound to the lender until the debt was repaid.
Robert Dunsmuir hired Chinese workers under a similar system. He paid their passage from China and the head tax, effectively binding them to his employment. The cost outlay was deducted from wages earned and took years to repay, creating an indentured workforce.
While labour shortages played a role in his decision, the primary motivation was the significant cost savings and increased profits that came with hiring Chinese workers.
Dunsmuir exploited the Chinese workers' vulnerability, assigning them to hazardous tasks that white miners deemed unsafe, further solidifying his control over them.
On May 3rd 1887, disaster struck at No.1 Esplanade mine in Extension (now Nanaimo). 150 men lost their lives, 25 percent of the workforce. Forty six women were widowed and 126 children were left fatherless. Among the dead were 53 unnamed Chinese workers, most of whom left families to mourn back in China. Eight months later another explosion at No.5 pit at nearby Wellington Colliery killed 77 men.

Chinese miners were blamed for both disasters.
Following relentless calls from the British and European communities of the two mining towns, Dunsmuir caved to public pressure; agreeing not to employ any Asian miners underground in the Wellington mines.
In 1897 the B.C. government introduced the Coal Mines Regulation Act , prohibiting the employment of Chinese and Japanese men underground in mines.
Although Dunsmuir stuck to his word in his Nanaimo and Wellington mines, he opted to ignore the restrictions in Cumberland, employing 200 Chinese miners.
Met with fines from the government, James Dunsmuir, Robert’s son and head of operations in Cumberland, docked 50 cents per month from each Chinese miners’ pay package that was employed by the company to cover the penalties imposed. In 1902 the day rate for a Chinese miner was $1.25, of which .75 cents was withheld to replay ships passage and head taxes. 50 cents would be one day's take home pay.
In the Cumberland mines the employment structure for Chinese miners evolved over time.
Many Chinese miners were employed as subcontractors by white miners.
Contract miners (known in the U.K. as hewers) were the top producers in the mine. They were paid by the ton and would do the blasting and shoring up of stalls which were the work of a licensed miner, and hire helpers to shovel and load coal, greatly increasing daily tonnage.
By 1902, there were approximately 450 Asian miners working in Cumberland. Only 165 were paid directly by the company.
Asian miners faced fierce discrimination, alienation, and endless scapegoating.
On the night of July 15th, 1903, a devastating explosion of firedamp gas occurred in No. 6 Mine in Cumberland, claiming the lives of 16 miners and injuring 4 others.
All the fatalities were Chinese miners.
The official Mine Report attributed the disaster to the victims' own "negligence," citing the presence of matches, tobacco, and cigarettes in their pockets. However, it was common knowledge that miners of all backgrounds frequently flouted safety rules, bringing prohibited items into the mine and tampering with safety lamps to improve lighting.
The incident reinforced existing biases against Chinese workers, perpetuating the stereotype that they were prone to reckless behavior and incapable of working safely underground.

Coerced into working as strikebreakers during the Big Strike of 1912 to 1914, the Chinese were further alienated from the labour movement, perpetuating the idea that they were part of the problem, not part of the solution.
On the 8th of February, 1923 another disaster tore apart the Cumberland community. 33 died.

In the aftermath of the mine disaster, miner Jung Tow was unfairly scapegoated in the newspapers, with rumours claiming that a match was found near his body, implicating him as the cause of the explosion.
Conversely, the official investigation found no incriminating evidence.
Ultimately, the official report concluded that the cause of the explosion remained unknown, contradicting the initial blame placed on Jung Tow.
The Chinese were as careful as anyone, but the mines were deadly dangerous and many men were killed. Mine owners sowed dissent in the workforce to keep miners powerless and divided rather than dealing with unsafe working conditions that would be expensive and cost time and their money to improve. Over 175 Chinese died in the Cumberland mines.
Widespread discrimination led to the head tax, anti-Asian laws, and riots. Under pressure from the province of BC, the federal government enacted the Chinese Immigration Act on July 1, 1923.

The legislation, widely known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act," effectively banned Chinese immigration to Canada by establishing extremely limited and restrictive categories for acceptable Chinese immigrants, severely curtailing the entry of Chinese individuals into the country.
With coal on a bust cycle as oil became the preferred fuel, there were fewer opportunities for the Chinese in Cumberland. The Exclusion Act cut off the supply of new workers from China and rules regarding working underground were more strictly enforced, limiting employment even more. Men drifted away to look for work elsewhere, or returned to China. The boom days of Cumberland Chinatown were over.
It would take decades of persistent efforts by the Chinese community in Canada to repeal the Chinese Immigration Act.